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Falling Fires ある範囲に火の雨を降らせダメージを与えます Falling Fires ジェム 疲労 内部ID 285 0 20 使用 水中判定 効果 効果量 戦闘 Damage 15 主属性 主Lv 効果発生数 射程距離 Fire 3 1 25 副属性 副Lv 効果範囲 命中補正 - 0 0+1/Lv 1 領域 Lv 防御判定 抵抗判定 Evocation 5 防御貫通 専用国家 ゲーム内説明文 This spell calls down a rain of searing flames on the enemy. 和訳 この呪文は、敵に向けて激しい炎の雨を降り注がせます。 注記 強力な火の範囲攻撃魔法。広範囲をまとめて焼き払うのが主な目的。よく似ているFalling Frostには威力と範囲で劣るが、防御貫通がついており命中率も少しだけ高い。 威力は十分あり、術者の実力によって範囲も広がるので使い勝手は上々。射撃精度の補強無しに遠距離に撃つと味方を虐殺することもしばしばあるが、味方が火炎無効なら気にせずに撃てる。 防御貫通なので、極端に重装備な相手でなければある程度のダメージは出せるだろう。一撃で仕留めきれなくても炎上による追加ダメージも見込める。 火魔法を主力とする場合、中盤以降にFireballでは捌き切れない規模の軍勢と衝突するようになるまでには解禁しておきたい魔法。Phoenix Powerがあれば火2の術者でも使えるため、射程や疲労の差さえ無視すればほぼ上位互換として扱える。 とくに人間の大部隊など、小柄でHPも低い相手には絶大な効果を発揮してくれる。またFireballでは1体にしか当たらなかった巨人系の相手にも、効果範囲の広さを活かして効率的に削っていけるようになるだろう。 コメント 名前 コメント
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【Tags Gumi kemu tA tF tL I】 Original Music Title イカサマライフゲイム Fake Life Game \ Life Cheating Game (Ikasama Raifu Geimu) Music Lyrics written, Voice edited by kemu Music arranged by kemu Singer Gumi (Megpoid) Click here for the original Japanese Lyrics English Lyrics (translated by haru47): "It will rain tomorrow afternoon," quietly it tells. It s something like a ringing in my ears or a revelation, "Be careful" It s convergence of the process, no one knows the targets of the sudden rain This is, in short, a future prediction "Don t take the bus tomorrow" "Because an accident will occur" I ll live in the best suited temperature It s a Fake Life Game, the Jokers that gather together sneer The possibilities have gone as time went by The view once I saw and yearned for is getting defiled, the dream is a fake I sneer alone, just pray by following the guidance "Don t go on a date tomorrow" quietly it tells. It became darken, I pulled the card with a chill It s convergence of the process, the targets of the sudden rain don t know anything That I chose it Someone said, "She was alone" She slipped on the platform on her way home It s a Fake Life Game, the Jokers that gather together sneer The feelings have gone as time went by Even so, something like the reason for existing should be decided afterwards I sneer alone, just pray by following the guidance I noticed the price I ll have to pay Hidden in the answer, goodbye, lovely days The one who cannot go back is me, and I don t want any other person to be like that It s a Fake Life Game, the Jokers that gather together sneer The future prediction came along as time went by It s the ultimatum that is needlessly clear and hateful "Tomorrow you" "will die, no matter how hard you try to avoid it" It s a Fake Life Game, the Jokers that gather together sneer Just sneer, I can do nothing as it s Old Made Welcome back, my feelings. I love the anxiety that almost makes me dead I sneer alone, just pray by following the guidance I wonder if it will rain tomorrow Romaji lyrics (transliterated by haru47): "asu no gogo wa ame ga furu"』to potsuri miminari keiji son na nanika "ki wo tsukete" katei no shuusoku niwaka-ame no hyouteki tachi wa dare mo shira nai kore wa tsumari mirai-yochi "asu basu ni noru na" "jiko ga okoru kara" saitekina ondo de boku wa iki te ku ikasama raifu geimu gankubi soroeta jo-ka- wa warau yagate kanousei wa kie satta itsuka mita shoukei kegare te ku yume wa magaimono warau hitori inore michibiki no mama ni "asu no de-to ni wa iku na』to potsuri kage wo sasu samuke osae konde fuda wo hii ta katei no shuusoku niwaka-ame no hyouteki tachi wa nani mo shira nai boku ga sore wo eranda tte dareka ga itte ta "ano ko wa hitori de" kaeri no ho-mu kara ashi wo suberase ikasama raifu geimu gankubi soroeta jo-ka- wa warau yagate kanjou wa kie satta soredemo sonzai-riyuu nado atode kimeru mono warau hitori inore michibiki no mama ni kizuita daishou kotae ni kakureta sayonara itoshiki hibi modore nai no wa boku dake de ii kara ikasama raifu geimu gankubi soroeta jo-ka- wa warau yagate mirai-yochi wa otozureru saigo no tsuutatsu iya ni meiryoude nikurashige "asu kimi wa " "dou ganbacchatte mo shini masu yo" ikasama raifu geimu gankubi soroetajo-ka- wa warau warae baba-nuki ja shikatanai okaeri kanjou shinu hodo no fuan ga itoshiku te warau hitori inore michibiki no mama ni asu ame wa furu ka na
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Killing me / L Arc~en~Ciel 479様より あああ おそあ ぐすい むおう ゆわぞ あよご わぶら おもほ ぐくむ みげお ぎぞも しげげ きとぞ ゆほち みんえ ほかは んんず ぎぞぬ めじつ どいが むずも かてこ しおさ げめと えかも にろあ んんだ ろだざ すどす れおぼ つして れざる あゆか ぐめれ じちあ おちか いみざ ねれげ どおこ せどに ほへよ きぞは ぶす
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目次 基本情報 概要 攻撃武器:手榴弾発射台 武器:手榴弾発射台 ステータス 昇級データ 治療コスト アップデート履歴 ギャラリー コメント 基本情報 未定義:s_trooper_gatlinggrenadier_shortname #ref error :ご指定のファイルが見つかりません。ファイル名を確認して、再度指定してください。 (s_trooper_gatlingGrenadier_icon@2x.png) 正式名 未定義:s_trooper_gatlinggrenadier_name 英語名 未定義:s_trooper_gatlinggrenadier_shortname 英語正式名 未定義:s_trooper_gatlinggrenadier_name 内部ID s_trooper_gatlingGrenadier ユニットタイプ soldier 属性 兵士 遮断 部分的 防御 ベース _90% 100% _80% 125% 耐性 なし 概要 概要、使用感を募集中。 攻撃 武器:手榴弾発射台 手榴弾発射台 弾薬 3 リロード 5ターン +続きを表示 3連爆弾 内部ID grenade_3shot 攻撃アイコン ダメージタイプ 射程 1-4 射程圏 間接 攻撃対象 地上 空中 使用火薬数 1 補給時間 1ターン 武器冷却時間 1ターン 装甲貫通力 0% 2ndDMG% 25% DMG_distraction 1, Bonus 0% 備考 ランク 1 2 3 4 5 6 ダメージ 20-30 (x3) 22-33 (x3) 24-36 (x3) 26-39 (x3) 28-42 (x3) 30-45 (x3) 攻撃力 46 51 56 61 66 71 基本大打撃率 5% 5% 5% 5% 5% 5% 【攻撃位置】選択可能マス 【攻撃範囲:選択】減衰率 1.00 【拡散範囲】なし 武器:手榴弾発射台 手榴弾発射台 弾薬 2 リロード 5ターン +続きを表示 X攻撃 内部ID rockets_smallX 攻撃アイコン ダメージタイプ 射程 1-5 射程圏 間接 攻撃対象 地上 使用火薬数 2 補給時間 1ターン 武器冷却時間 1ターン 装甲貫通力 0% 2ndDMG% 15% DMG_distraction 1.5, Bonus 0% 備考 ランク 1 2 3 4 5 6 ダメージ 28-42 30-46 33-50 36-54 39-58 42-63 攻撃力 46 51 56 61 66 71 基本大打撃率 5% 5% 5% 5% 5% 5% 【攻撃位置】選択可能マス 【攻撃範囲:選択】減衰率 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 【拡散範囲】なし ステータス 昇級データ ステータス ランク 1 2 3 4 5 6 必要SP N/A 420 2,995 7,010 14,200 22,705 HP 80 90 (+10) 95 (+5) 105 (+10) 110 (+5) 120 (+10) 勇敢さ 20 25 (+5) 25 30 (+5) 30 35 (+5) 防御 50 55 (+5) 60 (+5) 65 (+5) 70 (+5) 75 (+5) 回避 20 25 (+5) 30 (+5) 35 (+5) 40 (+5) 45 (+5) スロット 2 2 2 2 2 2 ダメージ 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 攻撃 0 5 10 15 20 25 大打撃率 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 耐性 80% 80% 75% 70% 70% 65% 昇級コスト N/A 4h432475 12h16,6883,650 1d79,04010,0753 2d252,9129,6508 2d567,60017,1252 昇級報酬 N/A 600 1,200 2,000 3,000 4,200 撃破SP 20 28 32 40 44 62 撃破Gold 100 140 160 200 220 312 PvPコスト 5 7 8 10 11 15 更新:2014/1/30 治療コスト 検証中のため数値に誤差がある可能性があります。 通常 レベル 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 時間 4h 4h 4h 4h 4h 3h36m 3h12m 2h48m 2h24m 1h36m Gold 1,500 1,250 1,000 900 800 700 643 600 550 500 鉄 150 125 100 90 80 70 64 60 55 50 ハイテク レベル 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 時間 3h36m 3h36m 3h36m 3h36m 3h36m 3h12m 2h48m 2h24m 2h 1h12m Gold 1,300 1,050 800 700 600 500 450 400 345 300 鉄 130 105 80 70 60 50 45 40 35 30 更新:2014/1/30 アップデート履歴 x.x導入 ギャラリー コメント 名前 コメント すべてのコメントを見る 最新の10件を表示しています。 wikiタグ
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The Economic consequences of the peace Chapter II-Europe before the War Before 1870 different parts of the small continent of Europe had specialized in their own products; but, taken as a whole, it was substantially self-subsistent. And its population was adjusted to this state of affairs. After 1870 there was developed on a large scale an unprecedented situation, and the economic condition of Europe became during the next fifty years unstable and peculiar. The pressure of population on food, which had already been balanced by the accessibility of supplies from America, became for the first time in recorded history definitely reversed. As numbers increased, food was actually easier to secure. Larger proportional returns from an increasing scale of production became true of agriculture as well as industry. With the growth of the European population there were more emigrants on the one hand to till the soil of the new countries, and, on the other, more workmen were available in Europe to prepare the industrial products and capital goods which were to maintain the emigrant populations in their new homes, and to build the railways and ships which were to make accessible to Europe food and raw products from distant sources. Up to about 1900 a unit of labor applied to industry yielded year by year a purchasing power over an increasing quantity of food. It is possible that about the year 1900 this process began to be reversed, and a diminishing yield of Nature to man s effort was beginning to reassert itself. But the tendency of cereals to rise in real cost was balanced by other improvements; and—one of many novelties—the resources of tropical Africa then for the first time came into large employ, and a great traffic in oil-seeds began to bring to the table of Europe in a new and cheaper form one of the essential foodstuffs of mankind. In this economic Eldorado, in this economic Utopia, as the earlier economists would have deemed it, most of us were brought up. That happy age lost sight of a view of the world which filled with deep-seated melancholy the founders of our Political Economy. Before the eighteenth century mankind entertained no false hopes. To lay the illusions which grew popular at that age s latter end, Malthus disclosed a Devil. For half a century all serious economical writings held that Devil in clear prospect. For the next half century he was chained up and out of sight. Now perhaps we have loosed him again. What an extraordinary episode in the economic progress of man that age was which came to an end in August, 1914! The greater part of the population, it is true, worked hard and lived at a low standard of comfort, yet were, to all appearances, reasonably contented with this lot. But escape was possible, for any man of capacity or character at all exceeding the average, into the middle and upper classes, for whom life offered, at a low cost and with the least trouble, conveniences, comforts, and amenities beyond the compass of the richest and most powerful monarchs of other ages. The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, in such quantity as he might see fit, and reasonably expect their early delivery upon his doorstep; he could at the same moment and by the same means adventure his wealth in the natural resources and new enterprises of any quarter of the world, and share, without exertion or even trouble, in their prospective fruits and advantages; or be could decide to couple the security of his fortunes with the good faith of the townspeople of any substantial municipality in any continent that fancy or information might recommend. He could secure forthwith, if he wished it, cheap and comfortable means of transit to any country or climate without passport or other formality, could despatch his servant to the neighboring office of a bank for such supply of the precious metals as might seem convenient, and could then proceed abroad to foreign quarters, without knowledge of their religion, language, or customs, bearing coined wealth upon his person, and would consider himself greatly aggrieved and much surprised at the least interference. But, most important of all, he regarded this state of affairs as normal, certain, and permanent, except in the direction of further improvement, and any deviation from it as aberrant, scandalous, and avoidable. The projects and politics of militarism and imperialism, of racial and cultural rivalries, of monopolies, restrictions, and exclusion, which were to play the serpent to this paradise, were little more than the amusements of his daily newspaper, and appeared to exercise almost no influence at all on the ordinary course of social and economic life, the internationalization of which was nearly complete in practice. It will assist us to appreciate the character and consequences of the Peace which we have imposed on our enemies, if I elucidate a little further some of the chief unstable elements already present when war broke out, in the economic life of Europe. I. Population In 1870 Germany had a population of about 40,000,000. By 1892 this figure had risen to 50,000,000, and by June 30, 1914, to about 68,000,000. In the years immediately preceding the war the annual increase was about 850,000, of whom an insignificant proportion emigrated.[1] This great increase was only rendered possible by a far-reaching transformation of the economic structure of the country. From being agricultural and mainly self-supporting, Germany transformed herself into a vast and complicated industrial machine, dependent for its working on the equipoise of many factors outside Germany as well as within. Only by operating this machine, continuously and at full blast, could she find occupation at home for her increasing population and the means of purchasing their subsistence from abroad. The German machine was like a top which to maintain its equilibrium must spin ever faster and faster. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which grew from about 40,000,000 in 1890 to at least 50,000,000 at the outbreak of war, the same tendency was present in a less degree, the annual excess of births over deaths being about half a million, out of which, however, there was an annual emigration of some quarter of a million persons. To understand the present situation, we must apprehend with vividness what an extraordinary center of population the development of the Germanic system had enabled Central Europe to become. Before the war the population of Germany and Austria-Hungary together not only substantially exceeded that of the United States, but was about equal to that of the whole of North America. In these numbers, situated within a compact territory, lay the military strength of the Central Powers. But these same numbers—for even the war has not appreciably diminished them[2]—if deprived of the means of life, remain a hardly less danger to European order. European Russia increased her population in a degree even greater than Germany—from less than 100,000,000 in 1890 to about 150,000,000 at the outbreak of war;[3] and in the year immediately preceding 1914 the excess of births over deaths in Russia as a whole was at the prodigious rate of two millions per annum. This inordinate growth in the population of Russia, which has not been widely noticed in England, has been nevertheless one of the most significant facts of recent years. The great events of history are often due to secular changes in the growth of population and other fundamental economic causes, which, escaping by their gradual character the notice of contemporary observers, are attributed to the follies of statesmen or the fanaticism of atheists. Thus the extraordinary occurrences of the past two years in Russia, that vast upheaval of Society, which has overturned what seemed most stable—religion, the basis of property, the ownership of land, as well as forms of government and the hierarchy of classes—may owe more to the deep influences of expanding numbers than to Lenin or to Nicholas; and the disruptive powers of excessive national fecundity may have played a greater part in bursting the bonds of convention than either the power of ideas or the errors of autocracy. II. Organization The delicate organization by which these peoples lived depended partly on factors internal to the system. The interference of frontiers and of tariffs was reduced to a minimum, and not far short of three hundred millions of people lived within the three Empires of Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary. The various currencies, which were all maintained on a stable basis in relation to gold and to one another, facilitated the easy flow of capital and of trade to an extent the full value of which we only realize now, when we are deprived of its advantages. Over this great area there was an almost absolute security of property and of person. These factors of order, security, and uniformity, which Europe had never before enjoyed over so wide and populous a territory or for so long a period, prepared the way for the organization of that vast mechanism of transport, coal distribution, and foreign trade which made possible an industrial order of life in the dense urban centers of new population. This is too well known to require detailed substantiation with figures. But it may be illustrated by the figures for coal, which has been the key to the industrial growth of Central Europe hardly less than of England; the output of German coal grew from 30,000,000 tons in 1871 to 70,000,000 tons in 1890, 110,000,000 tons in 1900, and 190,000,000 tons in 1913. Round Germany as a central support the rest of the European economic system grouped itself, and on the prosperity and enterprise of Germany the prosperity of the rest of the Continent mainly depended. The increasing pace of Germany gave her neighbors an outlet for their products, in exchange for which the enterprise of the German merchant supplied them with their chief requirements at a low price. The statistics of the economic interdependence of Germany and her neighbors are overwhelming. Germany was the best customer of Russia, Norway, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, Italy, and Austria-Hungary; she was the second best customer of Great Britain, Sweden, and Denmark; and the third best customer of France. She was the largest source of supply to Russia, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, Switzerland, Italy, Austria-Hungary, Roumania, and Bulgaria; and the second largest source of supply to Great Britain, Belgium, and France. In our own case we sent more exports to Germany than to any other country in the world except India, and we bought more from her than from any other country in the world except the United States. There was no European country except those west of Germany which did not do more than a quarter of their total trade with her; and in the case of Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Holland the proportion was far greater. Germany not only furnished these countries with trade, but, in the case of some of them, supplied a great part of the capital needed for their own development. Of Germany s pre-war foreign investments, amounting in all to about $6,250,000,000, not far short of $2,500,000,000 was invested in Russia, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, Roumania, and Turkey.[4] And by the system of "peaceful penetration" she gave these countries not only capital, but, what they needed hardly less, organization. The whole of Europe east of the Rhine thus fell into the German industrial orbit, and its economic life was adjusted accordingly. But these internal factors would not have been sufficient to enable the population to support itself without the co-operation of external factors also and of certain general dispositions common to the whole of Europe. Many of the circumstances already treated were true of Europe as a whole, and were not peculiar to the Central Empires. But all of what follows was common to the whole European system. III. The Psychology of Society Europe was so organized socially and economically as to secure the maximum accumulation of capital. While there was some continuous improvement in the daily conditions of life of the mass of the population, Society was so framed as to throw a great part of the increased income into the control of the class least likely to consume it. The new rich of the nineteenth century were not brought up to large expenditures, and preferred the power which investment gave them to the pleasures of immediate consumption. In fact, it was precisely the inequality of the distribution of wealth which made possible those vast accumulations of fixed wealth and of capital improvements which distinguished that age from all others. Herein lay, in fact, the main justification of the Capitalist System. If the rich had spent their new wealth on their own enjoyments, the world would long ago have found such a régime intolerable. But like bees they saved and accumulated, not less to the advantage of the whole community because they themselves held narrower ends in prospect. The immense accumulations of fixed capital which, to the great benefit of mankind, were built up during the half century before the war, could never have come about in a Society where wealth was divided equitably. The railways of the world, which that age built as a monument to posterity, were, not less than the Pyramids of Egypt, the work of labor which was not free to consume in immediate enjoyment the full equivalent of its efforts. Thus this remarkable system depended for its growth on a double bluff or deception. On the one hand the laboring classes accepted from ignorance or powerlessness, or were compelled, persuaded, or cajoled by custom, convention, authority, and the well-established order of Society into accepting, a situation in which they could call their own very little of the cake that they and Nature and the capitalists were co-operating to produce. And on the other hand the capitalist classes were allowed to call the best part of the cake theirs and were theoretically free to consume it, on the tacit underlying condition that they consumed very little of it in practice. The duty of "saving" became nine-tenths of virtue and the growth of the cake the object of true religion. There grew round the non-consumption of the cake all those instincts of puritanism which in other ages has withdrawn itself from the world and has neglected the arts of production as well as those of enjoyment. And so the cake increased; but to what end was not clearly contemplated. Individuals would be exhorted not so much to abstain as to defer, and to cultivate the pleasures of security and anticipation. Saving was for old age or for your children; but this was only in theory,—the virtue of the cake was that it was never to be consumed, neither by you nor by your children after you. In writing thus I do not necessarily disparage the practices of that generation. In the unconscious recesses of its being Society knew what it was about. The cake was really very small in proportion to the appetites of consumption, and no one, if it were shared all round, would be much the better off by the cutting of it. Society was working not for the small pleasures of to-day but for the future security and improvement of the race,—in fact for "progress." If only the cake were not cut but was allowed to grow in the geometrical proportion predicted by Malthus of population, but not less true of compound interest, perhaps a day might come when there would at last be enough to go round, and when posterity could enter into the enjoyment of our labors. In that day overwork, overcrowding, and underfeeding would have come to an end, and men, secure of the comforts and necessities of the body, could proceed to the nobler exercises of their faculties. One geometrical ratio might cancel another, and the nineteenth century was able to forget the fertility of the species in a contemplation of the dizzy virtues of compound interest. There were two pitfalls in this prospect lest, population till outstripping accumulation, our self-denials promote not happiness but numbers; and lest the cake be after all consumed, prematurely, in war, the consumer of all such hopes. But these thoughts lead too far from my present purpose. I seek only to point out that the principle of accumulation based on inequality was a vital part of the pre-war order of Society and of progress as we then understood it, and to emphasize that this principle depended on unstable psychological conditions, which it may be impossible to recreate. It was not natural for a population, of whom so few enjoyed the comforts of life, to accumulate so hugely. The war has disclosed the possibility of consumption to all and the vanity of abstinence to many. Thus the bluff is discovered; the laboring classes may be no longer willing to forego so largely, and the capitalist classes, no longer confident of the future, may seek to enjoy more fully their liberties of consumption so long as they last, and thus precipitate the hour of their confiscation. IV. The Relation of the Old World to the New The accumulative habits of Europe before the war were the necessary condition of the greatest of the external factors which maintained the European equipoise. Of the surplus capital goods accumulated by Europe a substantial part was exported abroad, where its investment made possible the development of the new resources of food, materials, and transport, and at the same time enabled the Old World to stake out a claim in the natural wealth and virgin potentialities of the New. This last factor came to be of the vastest importance. The Old World employed with an immense prudence the annual tribute it was thus entitled to draw. The benefit of cheap and abundant supplies resulting from the new developments which its surplus capital had made possible, was, it is true, enjoyed and not postponed. But the greater part of the money interest accruing on these foreign investments was reinvested and allowed to accumulate, as a reserve (it was then hoped) against the less happy day when the industrial labor of Europe could no longer purchase on such easy terms the produce of other continents, and when the due balance would be threatened between its historical civilizations and the multiplying races of other climates and environments. Thus the whole of the European races tended to benefit alike from the development of new resources whether they pursued their culture at home or adventured it abroad. Even before the war, however, the equilibrium thus established between old civilizations and new resources was being threatened. The prosperity of Europe was based on the facts that, owing to the large exportable surplus of foodstuffs in America, she was able to purchase food at a cheap rate measured in terms of the labor required to produce her own exports, and that, as a result of her previous investments of capital, she was entitled to a substantial amount annually without any payment in return at all. The second of these factors then seemed out of danger, but, as a result of the growth of population overseas, chiefly in the United States, the first was not so secure. When first the virgin soils of America came into bearing, the proportions of the population of those continents themselves, and consequently of their own local requirements, to those of Europe were very small. As lately as 1890 Europe had a population three times that of North and South America added together. But by 1914 the domestic requirements of the United States for wheat were approaching their production, and the date was evidently near when there would be an exportable surplus only in years of exceptionally favorable harvest. Indeed, the present domestic requirements of the United States are estimated at more than ninety per cent of the average yield of the five years 1909-1913.[5] At that time, however, the tendency towards stringency was showing itself, not so much in a lack of abundance as in a steady increase of real cost. That is to say, taking the world as a whole, there was no deficiency of wheat, but in order to call forth an adequate supply it was necessary to offer a higher real price. The most favorable factor in the situation was to be found in the extent to which Central and Western Europe was being fed from the exportable surplus of Russia and Roumania. In short, Europe s claim on the resources of the New World was becoming precarious; the law of diminishing returns was at last reasserting itself and was making it necessary year by year for Europe to offer a greater quantity of other commodities to obtain the same amount of bread; and Europe, therefore, could by no means afford the disorganization of any of her principal sources of supply. Much else might be said in an attempt to portray the economic peculiarities of the Europe of 1914. I have selected for emphasis the three or four greatest factors of instability,—the instability of an excessive population dependent for its livelihood on a complicated and artificial organization, the psychological instability of the laboring and capitalist classes, and the instability of Europe s claim, coupled with the completeness of her dependence, on the food supplies of the New World. The war had so shaken this system as to endanger the life of Europe altogether. A great part of the Continent was sick and dying; its population was greatly in excess of the numbers for which a livelihood was available; its organization was destroyed, its transport system ruptured, and its food supplies terribly impaired. It was the task of the Peace Conference to honor engagements and to satisfy justice; but not less to re-establish life and to heal wounds. These tasks were dictated as much by prudence as by the magnanimity which the wisdom of antiquity approved in victors. We will examine in the following chapters the actual character of the Peace. FOOTNOTES [1] In 1913 there were 25,843 emigrants from Germany, of whom 19,124 went to the United States. [2] The net decrease of the German population at the end of 1918 by decline of births and excess of deaths as compared with the beginning of 1914, is estimated at about 2,700,000. [3] Including Poland and Finland, but excluding Siberia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus. [4] Sums of money mentioned in this book in terms of dollars have been converted from pounds sterling at the rate of $5 to £1. [5] Even since 1914 the population of the United States has increased by seven or eight millions. As their annual consumption of wheat per head is not less than 6 bushels, the pre-war scale of production in the United States would only show a substantial surplus over present domestic requirements in about one year out of five. We have been saved for the moment by the great harvests of 1918 and 1919, which have been called forth by Mr. Hoover s guaranteed price. But the United States can hardly be expected to continue indefinitely to raise by a substantial figure the cost of living in its own country, in order to provide wheat for a Europe which cannot pay for it.
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アトン語 |Niger-Congo languages|Atlantic-Congo languages|Volta-Congo languages|Benue-Congo languages|Bantoid languages|Southern Bantoid languages|Wide Grassfields languages| 言語類型 現用言語 使用文字 type living language writing system ISO 639-3 【ato】 言語名別称 alternate names Etoh 方言名 dialect names 参考文献 references WEB ISO 639-3 Registration Authority - SIL International the LINGUIST List Ethnologue
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【Pronunciation kɪŋɡ Registration Tags K Without illustration】 King is a character from Friends. Outline Age Likes Fighting Orgo Wilm Luluno Dislikes Position A disliked person Birthday Creation-day Unknown Works in which this character appears Friends Looks Character Skills Name Substance
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GENRE TITLE ARTIST bpm notes CLEAR RATE NU RAVE Howling PON 155 1066 93% (2013/09/11) 皿+二重階段に注意。 -- 名無しさん (2012-09-28 17 01 18) 宮川大輔ぽいPONと二重階段が難所 -- 名無しさん (2012-10-01 20 15 21) ↑確かに宮川大輔っぽいwww☆9にしては皿絡みが多いかな?って思う程度。 -- 名無しさん (2012-10-02 11 19 14) 乱打が多いので練習になる。余談だがこのムービーに出てくるPONは、左から右に流れるレイヤーが多いので2P側は笑わないようにw -- 名無しさん (2012-10-07 23 56 23) \アセロラ/ -- 名無しさん (2012-10-09 02 14 31) グラフを自分側に寄せると精神的に集中しやすくなります -- 名無しさん (2012-10-21 19 46 43) 仮想空間の旅人たち(H)の練習…になるか? 難しさは同レベルくらいだが、属性ほぼ同じであちらのが配置難だと思う -- 名無しさん (2012-12-29 08 48 13) 仮想空間灰より皿絡みがきついので皿が苦手だとそれだけで辛い。どちらかと言えばあちらより同時押しと同色階段気味な印象 -- 名無しさん (2014-08-14 10 21 13) 皿絡みの練習としては地味に使える。正規鏡乱お好きにどうぞ。難安定で六段中位くらいの皿複合力があるはず。 -- 名無しさん (2014-08-14 11 35 10) 上記の方が言ってる左から右に流れるレイヤーが多いので2P側は笑わないようにwはマジ フルコン狙いしてる時に切れると苦痛 -- 名無しさん (2014-09-12 06 48 32) 名前 コメント
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Chapter II. 戦争以前のヨーロッパ(Europe before the War) Contents Top Chapter I.序論(Introductory) Chapter II.戦争以前のヨーロッパ(Europe before the War) Chapter III.会議(The Conference) Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-1 Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-2 Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-3 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-1 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-2 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-3 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-4 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-5 Chapter VI.条約後のヨーロッパ(Europe after the Treaty)-5 Chapter VII.救済策(Remedies)-1 Chapter VII.救済策(Remedies)-2 Chapter II. 戦争以前のヨーロッパ(Europe before the War) Before 1870 different parts of the small continent of Europe had specialized in their own products; but, taken as a whole, it was substantially self-subsistent. And its population was adjusted to this state of affairs. After 1870 there was developed on a large scale an unprecedented situation, and the economic condition of Europe became during the next fifty years unstable and peculiar. The pressure of population on food, which had already been balanced by the accessibility of supplies from America, became for the first time in recorded history definitely reversed. As numbers increased, food was actually easier to secure. Larger proportional returns from an increasing scale of production became true of agriculture as well as industry. With the growth of the European population there were more emigrants on the one hand to till the soil of the new countries, and, on the other, more workmen were available in Europe to prepare the industrial products and capital goods which were to maintain the emigrant populations in their new homes, and to build the railways and ships which were to make accessible to Europe food and raw products from distant sources. Up to about 1900 a unit of labor applied to industry yielded year by year a purchasing power over an increasing quantity of food. It is possible that about the year 1900 this process began to be reversed, and a diminishing yield of Nature to man s effort was beginning to reassert itself. But the tendency of cereals to rise in real cost was balanced by other improvements; and—one of many novelties—the resources of tropical Africa then for the first time came into large employ, and a great traffic in oil-seeds began to bring to the table of Europe in a new and cheaper form one of the essential foodstuffs of mankind. In this economic Eldorado, in this economic Utopia, as the earlier economists would have deemed it, most of us were brought up. That happy age lost sight of a view of the world which filled with deep-seated melancholy the founders of our Political Economy. Before the eighteenth century mankind entertained no false hopes. To lay the illusions which grew popular at that age s latter end, Malthus disclosed a Devil. For half a century all serious economical writings held that Devil in clear prospect. For the next half century he was chained up and out of sight. Now perhaps we have loosed him again. What an extraordinary episode in the economic progress of man that age was which came to an end in August, 1914! The greater part of the population, it is true, worked hard and lived at a low standard of comfort, yet were, to all appearances, reasonably contented with this lot. But escape was possible, for any man of capacity or character at all exceeding the average, into the middle and upper classes, for whom life offered, at a low cost and with the least trouble, conveniences, comforts, and amenities beyond the compass of the richest and most powerful monarchs of other ages. The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, in such quantity as he might see fit, and reasonably expect their early delivery upon his doorstep; he could at the same moment and by the same means adventure his wealth in the natural resources and new enterprises of any quarter of the world, and share, without exertion or even trouble, in their prospective fruits and advantages; or be could decide to couple the security of his fortunes with the good faith of the townspeople of any substantial municipality in any continent that fancy or information might recommend. He could secure forthwith, if he wished it, cheap and comfortable means of transit to any country or climate without passport or other formality, could despatch his servant to the neighboring office of a bank for such supply of the precious metals as might seem convenient, and could then proceed abroad to foreign quarters, without knowledge of their religion, language, or customs, bearing coined wealth upon his person, and would consider himself greatly aggrieved and much surprised at the least interference. But, most important of all, he regarded this state of affairs as normal, certain, and permanent, except in the direction of further improvement, and any deviation from it as aberrant, scandalous, and avoidable. The projects and politics of militarism and imperialism, of racial and cultural rivalries, of monopolies, restrictions, and exclusion, which were to play the serpent to this paradise, were little more than the amusements of his daily newspaper, and appeared to exercise almost no influence at all on the ordinary course of social and economic life, the internationalization of which was nearly complete in practice. It will assist us to appreciate the character and consequences of the Peace which we have imposed on our enemies, if I elucidate a little further some of the chief unstable elements already present when war broke out, in the economic life of Europe. I. Population In 1870 Germany had a population of about 40,000,000. By 1892 this figure had risen to 50,000,000, and by June 30, 1914, to about 68,000,000. In the years immediately preceding the war the annual increase was about 850,000, of whom an insignificant proportion emigrated.[1] This great increase was only rendered possible by a far-reaching transformation of the economic structure of the country. From being agricultural and mainly self-supporting, Germany transformed herself into a vast and complicated industrial machine, dependent for its working on the equipoise of many factors outside Germany as well as within. Only by operating this machine, continuously and at full blast, could she find occupation at home for her increasing population and the means of purchasing their subsistence from abroad. The German machine was like a top which to maintain its equilibrium must spin ever faster and faster. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which grew from about 40,000,000 in 1890 to at least 50,000,000 at the outbreak of war, the same tendency was present in a less degree, the annual excess of births over deaths being about half a million, out of which, however, there was an annual emigration of some quarter of a million persons. To understand the present situation, we must apprehend with vividness what an extraordinary center of population the development of the Germanic system had enabled Central Europe to become. Before the war the population of Germany and Austria-Hungary together not only substantially exceeded that of the United States, but was about equal to that of the whole of North America. In these numbers, situated within a compact territory, lay the military strength of the Central Powers. But these same numbers—for even the war has not appreciably diminished them[2]—if deprived of the means of life, remain a hardly less danger to European order. European Russia increased her population in a degree even greater than Germany—from less than 100,000,000 in 1890 to about 150,000,000 at the outbreak of war;[3] and in the year immediately preceding 1914 the excess of births over deaths in Russia as a whole was at the prodigious rate of two millions per annum. This inordinate growth in the population of Russia, which has not been widely noticed in England, has been nevertheless one of the most significant facts of recent years. The great events of history are often due to secular changes in the growth of population and other fundamental economic causes, which, escaping by their gradual character the notice of contemporary observers, are attributed to the follies of statesmen or the fanaticism of atheists. Thus the extraordinary occurrences of the past two years in Russia, that vast upheaval of Society, which has overturned what seemed most stable—religion, the basis of property, the ownership of land, as well as forms of government and the hierarchy of classes—may owe more to the deep influences of expanding numbers than to Lenin or to Nicholas; and the disruptive powers of excessive national fecundity may have played a greater part in bursting the bonds of convention than either the power of ideas or the errors of autocracy. II. Organization The delicate organization by which these peoples lived depended partly on factors internal to the system. The interference of frontiers and of tariffs was reduced to a minimum, and not far short of three hundred millions of people lived within the three Empires of Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary. The various currencies, which were all maintained on a stable basis in relation to gold and to one another, facilitated the easy flow of capital and of trade to an extent the full value of which we only realize now, when we are deprived of its advantages. Over this great area there was an almost absolute security of property and of person. These factors of order, security, and uniformity, which Europe had never before enjoyed over so wide and populous a territory or for so long a period, prepared the way for the organization of that vast mechanism of transport, coal distribution, and foreign trade which made possible an industrial order of life in the dense urban centers of new population. This is too well known to require detailed substantiation with figures. But it may be illustrated by the figures for coal, which has been the key to the industrial growth of Central Europe hardly less than of England; the output of German coal grew from 30,000,000 tons in 1871 to 70,000,000 tons in 1890, 110,000,000 tons in 1900, and 190,000,000 tons in 1913. Round Germany as a central support the rest of the European economic system grouped itself, and on the prosperity and enterprise of Germany the prosperity of the rest of the Continent mainly depended. The increasing pace of Germany gave her neighbors an outlet for their products, in exchange for which the enterprise of the German merchant supplied them with their chief requirements at a low price. The statistics of the economic interdependence of Germany and her neighbors are overwhelming. Germany was the best customer of Russia, Norway, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, Italy, and Austria-Hungary; she was the second best customer of Great Britain, Sweden, and Denmark; and the third best customer of France. She was the largest source of supply to Russia, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, Switzerland, Italy, Austria-Hungary, Roumania, and Bulgaria; and the second largest source of supply to Great Britain, Belgium, and France. In our own case we sent more exports to Germany than to any other country in the world except India, and we bought more from her than from any other country in the world except the United States. There was no European country except those west of Germany which did not do more than a quarter of their total trade with her; and in the case of Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Holland the proportion was far greater. Germany not only furnished these countries with trade, but, in the case of some of them, supplied a great part of the capital needed for their own development. Of Germany s pre-war foreign investments, amounting in all to about $6,250,000,000, not far short of $2,500,000,000 was invested in Russia, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, Roumania, and Turkey.[4] And by the system of "peaceful penetration" she gave these countries not only capital, but, what they needed hardly less, organization. The whole of Europe east of the Rhine thus fell into the German industrial orbit, and its economic life was adjusted accordingly. But these internal factors would not have been sufficient to enable the population to support itself without the co-operation of external factors also and of certain general dispositions common to the whole of Europe. Many of the circumstances already treated were true of Europe as a whole, and were not peculiar to the Central Empires. But all of what follows was common to the whole European system. III. The Psychology of Society Europe was so organized socially and economically as to secure the maximum accumulation of capital. While there was some continuous improvement in the daily conditions of life of the mass of the population, Society was so framed as to throw a great part of the increased income into the control of the class least likely to consume it. The new rich of the nineteenth century were not brought up to large expenditures, and preferred the power which investment gave them to the pleasures of immediate consumption. In fact, it was precisely the inequality of the distribution of wealth which made possible those vast accumulations of fixed wealth and of capital improvements which distinguished that age from all others. Herein lay, in fact, the main justification of the Capitalist System. If the rich had spent their new wealth on their own enjoyments, the world would long ago have found such a régime intolerable. But like bees they saved and accumulated, not less to the advantage of the whole community because they themselves held narrower ends in prospect. The immense accumulations of fixed capital which, to the great benefit of mankind, were built up during the half century before the war, could never have come about in a Society where wealth was divided equitably. The railways of the world, which that age built as a monument to posterity, were, not less than the Pyramids of Egypt, the work of labor which was not free to consume in immediate enjoyment the full equivalent of its efforts. Thus this remarkable system depended for its growth on a double bluff or deception. On the one hand the laboring classes accepted from ignorance or powerlessness, or were compelled, persuaded, or cajoled by custom, convention, authority, and the well-established order of Society into accepting, a situation in which they could call their own very little of the cake that they and Nature and the capitalists were co-operating to produce. And on the other hand the capitalist classes were allowed to call the best part of the cake theirs and were theoretically free to consume it, on the tacit underlying condition that they consumed very little of it in practice. The duty of "saving" became nine-tenths of virtue and the growth of the cake the object of true religion. There grew round the non-consumption of the cake all those instincts of puritanism which in other ages has withdrawn itself from the world and has neglected the arts of production as well as those of enjoyment. And so the cake increased; but to what end was not clearly contemplated. Individuals would be exhorted not so much to abstain as to defer, and to cultivate the pleasures of security and anticipation. Saving was for old age or for your children; but this was only in theory,—the virtue of the cake was that it was never to be consumed, neither by you nor by your children after you. In writing thus I do not necessarily disparage the practices of that generation. In the unconscious recesses of its being Society knew what it was about. The cake was really very small in proportion to the appetites of consumption, and no one, if it were shared all round, would be much the better off by the cutting of it. Society was working not for the small pleasures of to-day but for the future security and improvement of the race,—in fact for "progress." If only the cake were not cut but was allowed to grow in the geometrical proportion predicted by Malthus of population, but not less true of compound interest, perhaps a day might come when there would at last be enough to go round, and when posterity could enter into the enjoyment of our labors. In that day overwork, overcrowding, and underfeeding would have come to an end, and men, secure of the comforts and necessities of the body, could proceed to the nobler exercises of their faculties. One geometrical ratio might cancel another, and the nineteenth century was able to forget the fertility of the species in a contemplation of the dizzy virtues of compound interest. There were two pitfalls in this prospect lest, population till outstripping accumulation, our self-denials promote not happiness but numbers; and lest the cake be after all consumed, prematurely, in war, the consumer of all such hopes. But these thoughts lead too far from my present purpose. I seek only to point out that the principle of accumulation based on inequality was a vital part of the pre-war order of Society and of progress as we then understood it, and to emphasize that this principle depended on unstable psychological conditions, which it may be impossible to recreate. It was not natural for a population, of whom so few enjoyed the comforts of life, to accumulate so hugely. The war has disclosed the possibility of consumption to all and the vanity of abstinence to many. Thus the bluff is discovered; the laboring classes may be no longer willing to forego so largely, and the capitalist classes, no longer confident of the future, may seek to enjoy more fully their liberties of consumption so long as they last, and thus precipitate the hour of their confiscation. IV. The Relation of the Old World to the New The accumulative habits of Europe before the war were the necessary condition of the greatest of the external factors which maintained the European equipoise. Of the surplus capital goods accumulated by Europe a substantial part was exported abroad, where its investment made possible the development of the new resources of food, materials, and transport, and at the same time enabled the Old World to stake out a claim in the natural wealth and virgin potentialities of the New. This last factor came to be of the vastest importance. The Old World employed with an immense prudence the annual tribute it was thus entitled to draw. The benefit of cheap and abundant supplies resulting from the new developments which its surplus capital had made possible, was, it is true, enjoyed and not postponed. But the greater part of the money interest accruing on these foreign investments was reinvested and allowed to accumulate, as a reserve (it was then hoped) against the less happy day when the industrial labor of Europe could no longer purchase on such easy terms the produce of other continents, and when the due balance would be threatened between its historical civilizations and the multiplying races of other climates and environments. Thus the whole of the European races tended to benefit alike from the development of new resources whether they pursued their culture at home or adventured it abroad. Even before the war, however, the equilibrium thus established between old civilizations and new resources was being threatened. The prosperity of Europe was based on the facts that, owing to the large exportable surplus of foodstuffs in America, she was able to purchase food at a cheap rate measured in terms of the labor required to produce her own exports, and that, as a result of her previous investments of capital, she was entitled to a substantial amount annually without any payment in return at all. The second of these factors then seemed out of danger, but, as a result of the growth of population overseas, chiefly in the United States, the first was not so secure. When first the virgin soils of America came into bearing, the proportions of the population of those continents themselves, and consequently of their own local requirements, to those of Europe were very small. As lately as 1890 Europe had a population three times that of North and South America added together. But by 1914 the domestic requirements of the United States for wheat were approaching their production, and the date was evidently near when there would be an exportable surplus only in years of exceptionally favorable harvest. Indeed, the present domestic requirements of the United States are estimated at more than ninety per cent of the average yield of the five years 1909-1913.[5] At that time, however, the tendency towards stringency was showing itself, not so much in a lack of abundance as in a steady increase of real cost. That is to say, taking the world as a whole, there was no deficiency of wheat, but in order to call forth an adequate supply it was necessary to offer a higher real price. The most favorable factor in the situation was to be found in the extent to which Central and Western Europe was being fed from the exportable surplus of Russia and Roumania. In short, Europe s claim on the resources of the New World was becoming precarious; the law of diminishing returns was at last reasserting itself and was making it necessary year by year for Europe to offer a greater quantity of other commodities to obtain the same amount of bread; and Europe, therefore, could by no means afford the disorganization of any of her principal sources of supply. Much else might be said in an attempt to portray the economic peculiarities of the Europe of 1914. I have selected for emphasis the three or four greatest factors of instability,—the instability of an excessive population dependent for its livelihood on a complicated and artificial organization, the psychological instability of the laboring and capitalist classes, and the instability of Europe s claim, coupled with the completeness of her dependence, on the food supplies of the New World. The war had so shaken this system as to endanger the life of Europe altogether. A great part of the Continent was sick and dying; its population was greatly in excess of the numbers for which a livelihood was available; its organization was destroyed, its transport system ruptured, and its food supplies terribly impaired. It was the task of the Peace Conference to honor engagements and to satisfy justice; but not less to re-establish life and to heal wounds. These tasks were dictated as much by prudence as by the magnanimity which the wisdom of antiquity approved in victors. We will examine in the following chapters the actual character of the Peace. FOOTNOTES [1] In 1913 there were 25,843 emigrants from Germany, of whom 19,124 went to the United States. [2] The net decrease of the German population at the end of 1918 by decline of births and excess of deaths as compared with the beginning of 1914, is estimated at about 2,700,000. [3] Including Poland and Finland, but excluding Siberia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus. [4] Sums of money mentioned in this book in terms of dollars have been converted from pounds sterling at the rate of $5 to £1. [5] Even since 1914 the population of the United States has increased by seven or eight millions. As their annual consumption of wheat per head is not less than 6 bushels, the pre-war scale of production in the United States would only show a substantial surplus over present domestic requirements in about one year out of five. We have been saved for the moment by the great harvests of 1918 and 1919, which have been called forth by Mr. Hoover s guaranteed price. But the United States can hardly be expected to continue indefinitely to raise by a substantial figure the cost of living in its own country, in order to provide wheat for a Europe which cannot pay for it.
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レギュレーション シナリオ名:「Hotline - Which is "Wrong Number"?」 作成者:キャッキャウフフP タイプ:特殊型 リミット:3 人数:4 シーン表:通常、都市 プライズ:いくつあるのかは不明。 レギュレーション:基本ルールブック使用 (奥義開発、背景、特殊な戦闘乱入アリ) 舞台:現代退魔編 使用特殊ルール: クライマックスフェイズの特殊レギュレーション ○6サイクル制限。6サイクル経過時、生命力のもっとも多い者が勝者となる。 ただし、生命力が同値の者が二人以上いた場合、勝者なしとなる。 ○クライマックスフェイズの勝者は、敗者の生殺与奪の権利を得る。 今回予告 RRR... 「こんにちは。いつもの依頼です。よろしくお願いします」 RRR... 「おう。いつもの依頼だ。よろしく頼むぜ」 RRR... 「お疲れ様です。いつもの依頼です。それでは」 RRR... 「俺だ。そう、いつものだ。じゃあな」 シノビガミ「Hotline - Which is "Wrong Number"?」 ――その中に、"Wrong Number"(間違い電話)がある。 ハンドアウト PC1 推奨流派:斜歯忍軍 直通電話(Hotline)からの依頼だ。 いつものように、依頼を受けた。 だが……なんだ、この違和感は? 【使命:真の依頼を見極め、依頼を果たす】 PC2 推奨流派:鞍馬神流 直通電話(Hotline)からの依頼だ。 いつものように、依頼を受けた。 だが……なんだ、この違和感は? 【使命:真の依頼を見極め、依頼を果たす】 PC3 推奨流派:平良坂機関 直通電話(Hotline)からの依頼だ。 いつものように、依頼を受けた。 だが……なんだ、この違和感は? 【使命:真の依頼を見極め、依頼を果たす】 PC4 推奨流派:隠忍の血統 直通電話(Hotline)からの依頼だ。 いつものように、依頼を受けた。 だが……なんだ、この違和感は? 【使命:真の依頼を見極め、依頼を果たす】